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04.22.2004
The recent turn of events
in the September 11th hearings have turned the media spotlight
fully on the Bush administration's National Security Agency adviser,
Condoleezza Rice. And what we've seen has provoked a wildfire
of controversy from both sides of the political fence. Rice is
a polarizing figure, and often in unexpected ways: many Republicans
-- never boosters of affirmative action in the best of times
-- hail her as a sterling example of bootstrapping, while many
Democrats -- usually keenly (over?)sensitive to racial issues,
have as much as branded her a traitor to America's blacks. Meanwhile,
some conservatives, turning against the Bush team for their ultra-ideologized
policymaking and the perception that they've botched the war
in Iraq, look at Rice as an exemplar of everything that's gone
wrong with their party; while some Democrats wonder if she's
being made into a patsy, forced to take the fall while those
really responsible for the intelligence debacle and the race
to war get off scot-free. Even her personality causes arguments:
does her cold, narrow-eyed demeanor indicate Stalinist calculation
or cool efficiency? After a great deal of thought, I've come
to the conclusion that Condoleezza Rice can eat it.
If one can imagine a more
polarizing figure than Rice in the current presidential cabinet,
it would have to be Attorney General John Ashcroft. His allies
paint a portrait of a man of faith, a man who approaches his
duties passionately, a man who looks at his work as a calling,
not a job. They see him as infinitely courageous, willing to
make unpopular decisions and risk the ire of special interests
and the media in order to see justice done. And they note his
sterling record, his popularity amongst law & order types,
and his powerful dedication to the idea of stopping terrorism
before it start, of doing what must be done before innocent lives
are lost, not after. But his opponents call him a demagogue,
a fanatic, a crypto-fascist, a man so blinkered by his notions
of religious rectitude that he chooses to enforce the law selectively
to serve his faith-based agenda. They question his qualifications
and impugn his motivations, and goggle at an AG so bad he makes
one long for the days of Ed Meese. They openly wonder if a man
so opposed to dissent, a man so contemptuous of civil rights
and the American constitution, has the right to be in government
at all, let alone in a position of such authority. Who's right?
Who's wrong? We may never know; the debate rages on with only
one thing for sure: John Ashcroft can eat it with walnuts.
In times of peace, the
Secretary of Defense is a position it's easy to ignore, to gloss
over, even to forget about (who today remembers Clinton's?).
In times of war, he can become central to every conversation
about the country's political leadership. Donald Rumsfeld is
as good at ignoring criticism as he is at provoking criticism.
Like many figures who assume a position of importance in wartime,
he seems to engender the most fiery rhetoric imaginable; his
detractors tar him as a Nazi, calling him "von Rumsfeld"
and listing his similarities to Adolf Hitler. He seems almost
not to appreciate the gravity of his role; what has infuriated
many, even more than his possibly incompetent direction of the
war in Iraq, is his utter disdain for public debate and unwillingness
to engage honest criticism in a public forum. He behaves as if
he is a power unto himself, not accountable to anyone, and his
idiosyncratic way of speaking comes across to many as arrogant
at best and sneeringly contemptuous at worst. But he is unquestionably
a consummate professional, unimpeachably skilled in the areas
he needs to master to perform a difficult job. He holds the position
of a war power in wartime, which is a strain that would break
lesser men. What his enemies see as contempt, his supporters
see as bluntness, honesty, and a dislike for wasting time on
fripperies. The legacy Donald Rumsfeld will leave behind is still
uncertain, but it will certainly build upon the basic truth that
he can eat it upstairs sideways at dinnertime.
Dick Cheney is as enigmatic
a figure as has existed in American politics in generations.
Most vice-presidents are invisible, but Cheney comes by his invisibility
differenly; while many second-in-commands are unseen because
they're unimportant, Cheney is unseen because he's hiding. He's
not so much invisible as he is stealthy. Since his near-total
disappearance after 9/11, this "stealth vice-presidency"
has made him a figure of sport (another quality he shares with
most vice-presidents), but it's an aspect that makes him all
the more controversial because of the unique relationship he
has -- or doesn't have -- with his boss. For Dick Cheney is often
said to be the vizier, the eminence grise, the power behind the
throne in the Bush cabinet. Even some of the president's biggest
boosters privately admit that they get the impression that no
matter how big George W. Bush talks, it's really Cheney who's
calling the shots. His media invisibility and reluctance to make
himself a public figure only exacerbate this perception; is Cheney
hiding in some command bunker while his puppet takes the political
-- and physical -- risks? When one considers his health, his
record, and his often-abrasive personality, it's almost impossible
to imagine him following the route of most VPs and running for
the highest office after two terms of Bush. But, goes the joke,
by that time, he'll already have been president for two terms,
and that's the limit. In the end, it seems like an inescapable
conclusion that Dick Cheney can eat it two times running.
There are many ways to
approach the presidency of George W. Bush. He can be seen as
a...you know what? Fuck this. Bush can eat it left, right and
sideways with an appetizer of my big fat ass.
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