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05.02.2003
Political writing is a
curious animal. Restrained by too strong an attempt at 'objectivity',
and it is nothing more than journalism; given completely free
rein and stripped of even the pretense of fairness, it's pure
demagoguery. It's such a tricky beast to pin down that we don't
really have a name for it; what we call it depends on who's doing
it. Gore Vidal is old, rich and respectable enough to call an
essayist; George Will, still persistently identified as
a newspaperman, is usually referred to as an editorialist;
Glenn Reynolds and his blog-spewing ilk, the barbarians at the
gate of the gleaming citadel of advocy journalism, are known
as pundits. If you put your words into action, like Mumia
Abu-Jamal, you are called an activist (unless, of course,
you shoot a cop, and then they just call you another brother
in lock-up).
Myself, I prefer the unwieldy
but precise phrase political criticism to describe what
people from the heights of Renata Adler to the depths of Ann
Coulter do for a living. They are, after all, fulfilling much
the same role as does a critic of film, of art, or of music.
(And I use the word 'critic', with all the respect it deserves,
not the base, degraded, horrible word 'reviewer', with its connotation
of a shopper-friendly consumer advocate. Criticism is an art
in itself, like the arts to which it applies itself; reviewing
is a market tool not altogether different from a tip calculator.)
The film critic and the political writer share the qualities
of applying a number of criteria -- aesthetic, personal, ethical,
technical -- to a human expression translated to action; both
do so with a mind towards finding flaws, analyzing patterns,
detecting imperfections, suggesting corrections, and praising
a job well done.
It is a failure to recognize
this aspect of the political writer as a critic of public policy
(a failure which dovetails nicely into American society's failure
to recognize that it is the job of every intelligent person to
be a critic) that no doubt helps to explain the rather dismal
level of discourse in contemporary American punditry. This country
has always had a difficult relationship with its critics, after
all; the abovementioned tendency to treat them as if they are
tools of the savvy shopper, rather than artists in their own
right, combines with a somewhat baffling tendency to regard them
as a class of intellectual bullies who get off on telling other
people what to think, has led to an inherent confusion about
the role of the critic in the United States. But it's more than
this contempt for a critical approach that has landed us in our
momentary sorry state.
The best critics have,
naturally, been great artists -- that is to say, if they are
not accomplished artists in other media, they are at least masters
of the art of criticism. Since this is not something commonly
accepted as a desirable trait, our political critics tend to
dress themselves up as something else in order to gain some measure
of respect they mistakenly assume their audience has to bestow.
Generally, this expresses itself as the ridiculous notion that
pundits are journalists, with some bloggers even claiming 'scoops'
based on having been the first to link to a particular piece
of news. However, it is almost as frequently disguised as some
other misconception -- advocacy, activism, armchair psychologizing,
public relations, cheerleading, mudslinging, history, or even
as politics itself. This profoundly misguided idea is not only
foolish on its face (a political writer is not a journalist any
more than she is a historian or a celebrity endorser), but it's
completely unneccesary. We already have people to do our journalism
for us; they're called journalists, and while they may not be
the best they are at what they do, they're more qualified than
someone who gets a column in the newspaper just because he doesn't
like Democrats.
It's really too bad that
we don't realize the role of the political writer as critic of
public policy. Doing so would not only raise the level of discourse
and encourage better writing amongst the people who practice
it, but it would help to eliminate the worrying tendency to treat
pundits as if they are movie reviewers; already, too many
ignorant, know-nothing ideologues have been launched into a circle
of fame and prestige despite having absolutely no critical knowledge
or credibility. Their only skills are a talent for hyperbole
and a good line in trashing what they don't like. They're the
political equivalent of the no-name critics for phantom publications
like 'Hollywood Review' who can be counted on to provide a rave
for any crappy movie that comes down the pike. Indeed, you can
probably judge the quality of a piece of legislation or a move
by the government by how many of the pundits rave about it; a
mention on Little Green Footballs would be equatable to those
commercials where they get people who just saw the movie to say
something nice about it.
Of course, it's all well
and good for me to talk; I'm not a political writer. I write
about politics, to be sure -- I'm doing it right now -- but I
don't fancy myself important, influential or in touch with any
sort of social pulse. So I'm perfectly free to say baseless stuff
like how I think the President doesn't give two wet fucks about
the freedom of the Iraqi people. However, anyone who places himself
in the role of a legitimate political writer cannot do this,
any more than a music critic can write an essay in which his
only criticism is that the concert sucked. If you're going to
come, you better come correct. A new generation of political
writers has emerged, and they have begun, almost instinctually,
to understand the true nature of political criticism: they rightly
see themselves as analysts and inspectors of an important social
expression, as people who are not part of that expression but
who craft something vital from it. They're making the claim that
they're doing something different, something meaningful, something
needed -- and they're right. Now it's time to act like it.
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